In the first year of Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s third term, India recorded nearly a thousand hate-related incidents — signalling what rights groups describe as a disturbing institutional normalisation of anti-minority violence and rhetoric.
A comprehensive report, jointly compiled by the Association for Protection of Civil Rights (APCR) and the Quill Foundation, tracked data from June 7 2024 to June 7 2025. It documented 947 incidents of hate crimes and hate speech, with Muslims and Christians overwhelmingly bearing the brunt.
During this 12-month period, the report recorded 602 hate crimes and 345 instances of hate speech.
Alarmingly, 178 of these hate speech incidents were attributed to members of the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) including Prime Minister Modi himself and several state chief ministers.
The data underscores how hate speech from influential quarters often precedes or coincides with physical attacks on minority communities, suggesting not merely a permissive environment, but an enabling one.
Systematic targeting of religious minorities
The findings point to the systematic targeting of minorities under the guise of law enforcement, cultural preservation, or the defence of nationalist values.
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Muslims were the victims in 419 incidents, which affected 1,460 individuals and resulted in at least 25 deaths. Meanwhile, 85 incidents involving attacks on churches, prayer meetings, and pastors harmed 1,504 Christians.
Of the total hate crimes documented, 173 involved physical violence. Mob attacks often filmed and circulated on right-wing Hindutva social media channels were particularly prevalent.
Despite the scale of violence, only 13% of these hate crimes led to formal police complaints or First Information Reports (FIRs). According to the report, this figure reflects both a deteriorating environment for Indian Muslims and a significant failure within the criminal justice system.
Perpetrators, frequently affiliated with right-wing groups such as the Bajrang Dal and the Vishwa Hindu Parishad, often act with impunity, particularly in BJP-governed states emboldening further attacks.
BJP-ruled states
Uttar Pradesh topped the list with 217 incidents, followed by Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, and Jharkhand, all governed by the BJP. These states witnessed some of the most extreme expressions of communal hatred: Muslims attacked during Hindu religious festivals, churches vandalised during Easter, and minors assaulted for participating in school events celebrating Hindu holidays.
In Uttarakhand, hate speech surged during the run-up to local council elections. Of 17 incidents recorded, 14 were attributed to the state’s chief minister.
This politicisation of communal sentiment was not limited to a few states. In regions that held elections during this period — including Delhi, Jharkhand, Maharashtra, and Uttarakhand — spikes in hate crimes and hate speech closely aligned with electoral campaigning.
The report concluded that hate was systematically deployed to consolidate majority sentiment and polarise the electorate.
Senior leadership enabling hate
Hate speech was not confined to fringe elements, it included senior politicians, elected officials, members of the judiciary, and even a state governor.
Speeches by Prime Minister Modi and several cabinet colleagues met the United Nations’ Rabat Threshold for inciting discrimination and hostility — an international standard for determining whether hate speech poses a real risk of triggering violence.
Recurring themes in these speeches included warnings about “Love Jihad,” alarmist rhetoric over religious conversions, hostility towards interfaith couples, and suspicion of the Waqf Board.
In Jharkhand and Maharashtra — both of which held elections in November 2024 — hate narratives frequently invoked tropes of “infiltration” by Bangladeshis and Rohingyas.
Historical Muslim figures such as Aurangzeb were depicted as invaders. In Maharashtra, the release of the film Chhava was used as a political tool to stir anger against Muslims.
Children and the elderly targeted
Even children and the elderly were not spared. The report documented 32 hate crimes involving minors mostly Muslim boys.
In Amroha, Uttar Pradesh, a Muslim nursery student was suspended for participating in a Hindu festival celebration. In Ratlam, Madhya Pradesh, a minor was attacked for his religious identity during a school event.
Ten senior citizens were also targeted, nine of whom were Muslim. In one case, a Christian priest in Jabalpur, Madhya Pradesh, was beaten inside a police station while seeking help for his congregation.
Manufactured outrage fuelled by rumours
Several hate crimes were triggered by misinformation or fake news. Following the Pahalgam terror attack on 22 April 2025, hate crimes against Muslims spiked across the country — even in states far from the attack site.
In the days that followed, right-wing groups issued open threats to kill thousands of Muslims nationwide.
The report documented 87 hate crimes and 20 hate speech incidents in this brief period alone, directly targeting Muslims. At least 136 individuals were affected.
Of the 87 incidents, 51 were directly linked to the Pahalgam attack, with the remainder fuelled by broader anti-Muslim rhetoric. The report estimated an average of at least seven hate crimes per day during this time.
In Mussoorie, Kashmiri vendors were assaulted and forced to leave. In Rajasthan, Muslim-owned businesses were vandalised during rallies ostensibly held to protest terrorism.
A deepening crisis
What distinguishes hate crimes from other forms of violence, the report notes, is their profound societal impact.
Despite the scale of the crisis, India lacks a dedicated legal framework for monitoring or prosecuting hate crimes against religious minorities.
While violence against Dalits is formally documented under the SC/ST Prevention of Atrocities Act, no comparable system exists for Muslims, Christians, or other targeted communities.
The report calls for urgent reforms to identify, prevent, and penalise all hate-related incidents. Without such measures, it warns, India risks becoming entrenched in social divisions that may take generations to heal.
