Blogger Najm Al-Din argues that Donald Trump’s lavish tour of Gulf Arab states reflects a transactional “America First” policy prioritising U.S. economic interests, proxy power projection, and countering China’s influence while navigating tensions with Israel.
Donald Trump’s lavish tour of Gulf Arab states marks what many are calling a golden age in U.S.-Arab relations.
After securing a $142bn arms deal with Saudi Arabia and investments to the tune of $600bn, the Republican leader announced the lifting of sanctions on Syria in return for lucrative reconstruction contracts and access to its minerals.
He also inked a $1.2tn deal with Qatar’s Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad al-Thani, pledging cooperation in the energy, defence and cybersecurity sectors and requested Qatari mediators to help broker peace with Iran and mediate the Russia-Ukraine conflict.
On the final leg of a whirlwind trip, Trump concluded a trillion dollar investment deal with the UAE, which will propel the Emirates into a global AI hub.
So why is Trump fostering closer relations with the Gulf monarchies?
America First
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Despite his aggressive posturing on the international stage, Trump’s transactional approach to foreign policy marks a radical departure from the hawkish interventionist wing of the GOP.
Ever since his first term in office, the U.S. President railed against the conventional wisdom of costly foreign engagements and recently distanced himself from the neocon factions inside Washington.
Be it retrenchment from Afghanistan, overtures to the Kremlin and indifference towards transatlantic alliances judging by the recent weaponisation of tariffs, Trump’s antipathy for globalism represents a retreat from U.S. exceptionalism.
U.S. President Donald Trump (L) meets with UAE President Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan (R) during an official visit to Abu Dhabi, United Arab Emirates, as part of the third leg of his Middle East tour, on May 15, 2025. ( Presidential Court in the UAE – Anadolu Agency )
Instead of embroiling America in another quagmire, Trump is prioritising domestic economic interests over multilateralism and is determined to accrue as much pecuniary advantage from the financial liquidity and energy leverage offered by Washington’s Gulf allies.
This explains why leading conglomerates and technocrats were present during his Saudi visit, including the CEOs of Blackrock and Google as well as a cross-section of the world’s elite representing Fortune 500 companies, all of whom view KSA’s sovereign wealth fund as integral for stimulating growth in American and international markets.
By consolidating his grip on Gulf Sheikhdoms, Trump’s calculated power play is also designed to extract concessions on oil prices to ease inflationary pressures at home, and outsource conflict mediation to KSA and Qatar – who can function as proxies for U.S. power projection in a new regional order – without bearing the costs of direct military involvement.
Not only can this be brandished as a victory for his America First electorate, it may also persuade GCC states to slowly disentangle from Chinese supply chains amidst escalating tensions with Beijing and alert them of a new prerequisite for U.S. security guarantees: economic alignment.
Distancing from Israel?
Events preceding the tour also suggest a more calibrated U.S. policy on Israel.
A recent deal with Hamas to secure the release of American hostage Edan Alexander took place without Israeli mediation, breaking a longstanding American precedent of not directly negotiating with Tel Aviv’s enemies.
Furthermore, Trump dispatched his special envoy to the Middle East to initiate direct talks with Tehran over its nuclear program and ruled out military action in Iran, despite Netanyahu’s insistence on attacking the country’s nuclear infrastructure.
Trump also announced a ceasefire with the Houthis after receiving assurances that the insurgent group would refrain from targeting American shipments in the Red Sea. However, no assurances were given regarding Israeli freight, fuelling rumours that the U.S. is eager to push a framework for peace, with or without Israel.
As for the latest Middle East trip, it has all but confirmed Washington’s growing estrangement from Netanyahu.
Unlike previous meetings between U.S. officials and Gulf potentates, the Republican leader did not make any formal announcement conditioning bilateral cooperation on normalisation and conceded that official Arab recognition of the Zionist entity may take longer than expected.
This could reflect his frustration with Netanyahu’s stubborn refusal of a two state solution, which Arab leaders deem a precondition for normalisation, most likely to placate a public which is enraged by the Gaza crisis.
While it’s premature to conclude that Trump is forsaking Israel in pursuit of U.S. geopolitical interests, his appeasement of the Zionist lobby is not unconditional and he may be weighing up the political costs of being aligned to Tel Aviv.
New consensus
Given the strategic role which Gulf States now occupy for the U.S.-led Western alliance, it is unsurprising that the consensus on Israel is shifting.
In recent weeks, mainstream politicians and journalists have voiced concern over Netanyahu’s prosecution of the war.
While some of these sentiments may be sincere, many calls for de-escalation are largely guided by pragmatism and not because public officials have suddenly developed a conscience.
Rather, attitudes are shifting because the neoliberal status quo views the future financial power of Western elites as inextricably tied to Middle Eastern public investment funds, at a time when an ascendant China undermines the post-WWII U.S. led order.
Although Netanyahu wants America to be on a permanent war footing against Israel’s enemies, this may not sit well with a U.S. President who questions the merit of interventionism.
When many in the Global South pivot towards a multipolar world which threatens transatlantic hegemony, a stable Middle East undergirded by Anglo-Arab trade could function as a bulwark against Beijing’s growing sphere of influence.
Many pro-Israeli commentators in the West who thus far have refused to label the IDF’s actions as a “genocide” have cottoned on to this reality and are starting to issue hollow condemnations of Netanyahu, having seen which direction the political wind is blowing.
Sadly, the genocide in Gaza is being condemned by large swathes of the Western political class because supporting Netanyahu has become commercially unviable and not due to any moral and ethical consideration.
But before we get too excited over any rupture in Washington-Tel Aviv relations, it would be remiss to ignore that the genocide of Gaza continues unabated with the complicity of the U.S. and its Gulf allies.
As Israel launches Operation Gideon’s Chariots just hours after Arab elites greeted Trump with spectacular fanfare, the suffering of Palestinians is an afterthought for the region’s powerful stakeholders.
No amount of damage limitation and feigning plausible deniability can obscure this ugly reality.
